The Canadian government began to assert control over Indigenous lands and modernized resource extraction developed, expanded, and intensified. Resource extraction industries are often viewed as inevitably destructive forces at odds with cultural practices of Indigenous communities. And while this may be true in many cases, many Indigenous communities are open to the economic benefits of new local industries if cultural practices of sustainability are adhered to, and the environmental impacts do not undermine traditional land usage, like hunting and fishing. Next, we will look at a case of resource extraction which lead to court cases pertaining to Aboriginal rights. The case that will be explored here is the James Bay and Northern Quebec agreement. >> In 1971, construction began over the James Bay project. A massive initiative for generating hydroelectric power. The proponents of the project, the Hydro Quebec corporation and the Quebec government, ignored the existing land use patterns. This project concerned the drainage basin of rivers flowing into James Bay, land that were used by Indigenous people of Northern Quebec. This conflict over land use resulted in the development of the first modern land claims agreement. Much of the controversy surrounding the project concerned the environmental impacts because of the impounding river basins by dams. Over 10,000 square kilometres of land were flooded. One of the impacts of impounding northern rivers was the increase in mercury contamination in fish, which is toxic to the fish and to the organisms that eat them, including humans. Other impacts of the flooding included changes to the natural landscape, a decline in wetland productivity, changes to the temperature and natural seasonal flow pattern of rivers, and disruption of animal migration routes. These environmental impacts and loss of lands threatened a way of life for Northern Quebec Indigenous people. Following the announcement of the project by Quebec Premier, Robert Bourassa, the James Bay Cree who had not been consulted paused the project. The ability of the Quebec government to move the project forward was thwarted by the Cree and their ownership of lands required by the project. The Quebec government's opposition to negotiating with the Cree and the Inuit necessitated legal proceedings. Subsequently, Indigenous people, like Quebec and Canadian governments and the James Bay development corporation agreed to negotiations. The negotiations produced the James Bay and Northern Quebec agreement, now appreciated as the first modern treaty. This agreement allowed the project to proceed, protected the traditional way of life, created some innovative terms for environmental protection, and set aside lands for communities. However, the surrender of rights and titles of the Cree and Inuit was required. Income support for Cree trappers was a significant and unique feature of this agreement. Though this modern treaty has proven successful for Aboriginal people, also shaping other subsequent modern treaties in the north, resource extraction can and does have many negative impacts. For example, resource extraction such as mining and forestry, often affects the most marginalized members of communities, and in most cases this means that women are most affected. The Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada Sexual Health Unit, has stated that women carry most of the burden of modernization and industrialization, including increased violence. There is an increase in the number of unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections resulting from the ethic of exploitation of women. For example, the already high levels of sexually transmitted infections and frequency of HIV/AIDS in the north is elevated by prostitution that caters to minors. Sex is still a difficult topic to discuss even though norms around sexuality are consistent with the Inuit community. In an effort to support communities and the challenges we've just described, Pauktuutit suggests that a framework for dialogue could be a helpful means to passing on effective information. >> Both within rural and urban areas, Indigenous peoples lives were changing to become more westernized. As we saw previously, agriculture became one of the key economies for those living in rural farming areas. With the switch to agriculture, gender roles of both Aboriginal men and women began to change, and so did the way they expressed these roles. Traditionally, Aboriginal women's roles were to collect food provisions and to make household tools. Child rearing was one of the many jobs that women held. The switch to wage labour not only affected men but forced Aboriginal women to work outside the household to provide for their families. The young Aboriginal girls who attended residential schools were taught domestic skills to enter occupations that affirmed their prescribed or "proper" gender roles. Many Aboriginal women entering the workforce for the first time were employed in domestic services. As Aboriginal farming began to develop, women started to obtain jobs cultivating fields alongside the men. If a woman was widowed, she would often take over the duties of running the farm as overseeing the farm was considered to be men's work. If the family was raising cattle for the purpose of milking, it was women who were assigned to this task. As roles of women changed in Aboriginal communities, so too did the roles of men. One of the ways in which Aboriginal men were able to maintain and express their masculinity for example, was through their participation in rodeos in Western Canada. Indian rodeos were realms in which Indigenous men could interact in an area that was not outright political, nor was it dedicated to dealing with the struggle of Indigenous people. Yet, there is a sense that being an Indian rodeo cowboy meant having experienced those struggles in a personal way, which also related to a communal experience. Although there was a sense of community within Indian rodeos, there was an ever present colonial narrative as those who wished to participate in these rodeos still had to prove their Indigenous authenticity by having to demonstrate their Indian status. In some cases, Indian rodeos would allow the participation of those without status, such as Métis participants, or in some cases, these rodeos would even allow for settlers to participate. Rodeos acted as a place where social and cultural growth could and often did happen. Rodeos emphasized family and community through a connectedness to animals. They also contributed to political careers of some Alberta First Nations leaders. The rodeo was not the only realm where Indigenous men were able to maintain and exhibit masculine attributes. For many, enlisting in World War I was a way to maintain the warrior ethics and warfare exploits that occurred one generation prior. A significant proportion of First Nations men eligible for duty in Canada enlisted in World War 1. But the numbers for women, Métis and Inuit, are not as well known. Only status Indians were officially counted in the registry. The enthusiasm for war is demonstrated in the estimate of over 4,000 First Nations soldiers who served in the war, out of a population of roughly 100,000 people in 1914. Enlistment promised adventure, a steady wage, meals, and a ticket to travel the world. Other reasons for enlisting included having their family members or friends enlist and to honour the relationship between themselves and the British Crown. Thousands of Aboriginal people voluntarily enlisted in the Canadian military during the First World War. Among them was Lieutenant Frederick Ogilvie Loft, also known as Onondeyoh. He was from the Six Nations of the Grand River in Ontario. The end of the war at 1918 brought its load of problems for Indigenous veterans. Unlike other veterans, their files went through Indian Affairs. The ministry, however, could not properly fund the returning men. Frustrated, Loft decided to push for the creation of the League of Indians, an early effort at pan-Indian organizing, to assure the protection of Aboriginal rights. Many of the grievances were tied to the Indian Act, which pushed the federal government to suppress the work of the league. Even though it did not become a national force, its western branches continued its work until the 1930s, mainly in Saskatchewan as the Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations, and in Alberta as the Indian Association of Alberta, under the leadership of John Tootoosis and Edward Ahenakew. After the Second World War, First Nations once again tried to unite nationally. In 1948, Andy Paul, established the North American Indian Brotherhood. Similar to its predecessor, the efforts were hindered by a lack of nationwide support and suppressive government actions. In addition to first nations, Métis also contributed to active service. For example, influential Métis leader, Malcom Norris, enlisted and served in the Canadian military forces. Norris went on to play a central role in the organization of Métis communities politically beginning in the late 1920s.
