[MUSIC] As far as Indigenous leaders were concerned, in exchange for shared use of the land and annual provisions, the commissioners were guaranteeing that Indigenous communities would be protected and provided for. An oral history of each of the Numbered Treaties has been passed through the generations, as seen in this example from Treaty Six. During an interview with Lazarus Roan at Smallboy Camp in 1974, he recounts a story shared by his father, Chabachian, who was at the first signing of Treaty Six. During the negotiations, an elderly man stood and stated, Ahow Okeymow chief, I do not believe what you're saying. Does the Queen feel her breasts are big enough to care for us all? There are many of our people. Although government representatives thought him unstable, they responded, Yes, she has large breasts, enough so there will never be a shortage. The old man in question knew that the land had always supplied the Nehiyawak with everything they needed, and it would be difficult for any one person to promise the same abundance and wealth of resources. Indigenous frustration over the arrangement made between the Dominion and the HBC for the transfer of Rupert's Land was on display during Treaty Four negotiations, when Indigenous leaders refused to meet government's representatives on HBC land. Symbolically important, leaders refused to engage for two days explaining that the HBC did not have the right to dispose of Indigenous lands. Arguing that the company had stolen their land and given it to Canada, they wanted the injustice righted before entering into any negotiations. As expressed by Otahaoman, the Gambler, a prominent Saulteaux leader, [MUSIC] >> The Company have no right to this earth, but when they are spoken to they do it in spite of you. These Indians you see sitting around report that they only allowed the store to be put up. The Indians were not told of the reserves at all. I hear now, it was the Queen gave the land. The Indians thought it was they who gave it to the Company, who are now all over the country. The Indians did not know when the land was given. [MUSIC] These treaties signified an ongoing relationship between their Indigenous signatories and the Canadian government. They were established and convenanted by oral agreements, ceremony, feasting, and the physical signing of treaty, along with the giving of gifts to Indigenous leaders and negotiators. In return, government representatives offered an initial gift of a per capita payment to solidify the agreement. And from an Indigenous perspective, this meant that each year thereafter the treaties would be renewed and solidified through treaty annuities. Today, Treaty Days are still held on the anniversary date of each treaty signing, and annuities are handed out to all members. This payment is a powerful symbol of the agreement made between two sovereign nations and these celebrations renew that understanding every year. This concept of reciprocal relationship is not embraced in its entirety by the Canadian government, who argues that the written version of the treaties is a testament of the total surrender of Indigenous lands. Further lessons in this course discuss these rights and responsibilities, and explore contemporary conflicts surrounding resource extraction and land use. Treaty Six reflects a significant shift in the treaty negotiations between the Canadian government and Indigenous peoples. Indigenous leaders took note of several important trends: the government's broken agreements and undelivered promises of the first five Numbered Treaties; the collapse of the bison robe trade; and increasing conflicts with encroaching settlers. Despite Indigenous requests to begin treaty negotiations, government officials were slow to approach the bargaining table. Frustrated by the delay, one leader stated, we want none of the Queen's presents. When we set a trap for a fox we scatter meat all around but when the fox gets into the trap we knock him on the head. We want no baits. Let your Chiefs come to us like men and talk to us. When government officials made their initial offer, not all leaders were present, and those that were did not necessarily agree to the terms. Several chiefs demanded that a large area in the Cypress Hills be set aside for Indigenous use so that they could continue to live in peace and hunt the remaining bison herds. Although treaty provisions gave signatories the right to select an area for their reserves, Indian commissioner Edgar Dewdney refused their request to create a reserve in the Cypress Hills. Remaining firm, several leaders continued with their demands for a unified territory and refused to sign with the others in 1876 at Forts Carlton and Pitt. This was despite the threat of starvation. For seven years, Mistahi-maskwa, or Big Bear, and his followers continued to move across the Plains in hopes that the government would choose to reopen treaty negotiations for more beneficial terms. With the end of the bison and dramatic reduction in government rations, Big Bear had little choice but to sign an adhesion to Treaty Six in 1882 and settle on a reserve, making him one of the last to do so. Despite the refusal of some Nehiyawak leaders to sign, other leaders such as Sweetgrass, Wihkaskokieseyin, and Mistawawis, did sign in Treaty Six in 1876 and Forts Carlton and Pitt. For Chief Sweetgrass, his days as chief were numbered, and his death at the hands of his people demonstrated their dissatisfaction with several of his leadership decisions. Other leaders, like Big Bear, continued to demand better terms. During negotiations, when offered one square mile for each family within the reserve, Chief Pitikwahanapiwiyin or Poundmaker, famously argued: [MUSIC] >> The governor mentions how much land is to be given to us. He says 640 acres, one mile square for each family, he will give us. This is our land! It isn't a piece of pemmican to be cut off and given in little pieces back to us. It is ours and we will take what we want. [MUSIC]
