[MUSIC] This three part module focuses on issues related to Indigenous peoples’ relationship to the land and how that relationship has been impacted by historical settlement patterns and contemporary resource development. We begin by talking about the land and how land is viewed from an Indigenous perspective. As we have learned previously, many Indigenous worldviews centre around oral tradition and the interconnectedness of beings. While Western worldviews may see the land as the physical ground that we stand on, Indigenous cultures have many ways of talking about the land. Land from a Indigenous perspective is a much larger concept, more equated to the English term ecosystem, which describes the interconnected relationships between the physical environment, biological organisms, the atmosphere, and, in the case of Indigenous worldview, the spiritual realm. The land is often described as sentient, meaning it has its own agency, spirit, and rights that are to be respected as much as those of humans and other beings. This view is a difficult concept within Western perceptions as rocks, minerals, and water are described as inanimate objects, often thought of as resources that are to be exploited by people. Prior to the arrival of settlers to Canada, Indigenous nations had clear methods of land and resource management within and between nations and regions. Examples will be provided in this lesson to help illustrate Indigenous ways of knowing in relation to land and resource management, and to give context to current land management conflicts in Canada. We will refer to examples, mostly from northern contexts of both Inuit from the Arctic regions of Canada, as well as the Dene from the sub-Arctic. In order to appreciate Indigenous peoples’ relationship to the land, we'll begin by reminding you about Indigenous worldviews. Although Indigenous worldview varies significantly between cultural groups, there are some common themes that differ from the Western worldview, especially in relation to the land. The role of human beings, our connection to other living beings, and to the land are fundamentally different in an Indigenous context. Stories play a key role in communicating legal principles, our relationship to the land, and our roles and responsibilities. As we learned previously, Indigenous worldview places humans in an interconnected relationship with the rest of the living and nonliving beings. Indigenous peoples see human beings as caretakers of the land. We recognize that our survival depends on how we interact with each other and everything around us. A dominant Western worldview, on the other hand, places humans atop a hierarchical structure, and the land is seen as an inanimate thing from which we can take what we want without giving anything back. The three mountains found in Nunavut,"our land" in the Inuktitut language, were made by the first three Inuit. They were giants, their names were Uvayuk, Amaaqtuq and Inuuhuktu. They were looking for food across the barren lands of the north, but could not find enough to feed themselves. One after another, they fell from hunger and laid there to rest forever. These mountains are named after some of the First Peoples. They are named this to remind Inuit of their story. These mountains, like all other lands in the North, are named by Inuit as a way of describing not only the landscape but the stories that are passed down to each new generation. Inuit can navigate their way to a hunting place, camping place, or away from danger according to the descriptive names of places. We can see then that the name of a place is a communication tool. People can understand where the place is, and other information may be contained that helps to know why that place is important. The Denésƍliné community of Lutsel K’e, which translates to a place of small fish, for example, refers to the location of the townsite near the Snowdrift River where the ciscoes spawn in the fall. Ciscoes are small herring-like fish that are the primary diet of lake trout; they spawn in the Fall and fill the snowdrift river. There are many cultural practices that are central to maintaining a strong connection to the land. Being out on the land for purposes of harvesting is commonly referred to in both Inuit and Dene communities. The connection that comes with practicing traditional harvesting activities, observing the animals, the weather and praying for safe travel, to give thanks for what is being harvested, and for our health, is common cultural practice that symbolizes the deep and interconnected relationships that Indigenous cultures have with the land. Defining traditional ecological knowledge in the context of Indigenous worldview is not a simple task. The very concept of traditional ecological knowledge, often referred to as TEK, is a western concept. A commonly reference definition of TEK is a cumulative body of knowledge, practice and belief, evolving by adaptive processes and handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings, including humans, with one another and with their environment. When asked to talk about TEK, Indigenous peoples often talk about their culture, way of life, traditional teachings, and relationship to the land. From an Indigenous perspective, traditional knowledge is not a pool of data or a discipline of study. It is a way of life, a way of being and doing, our connection to the land, our laws, our roles and responsibilities that are embedded in our stories. According to Marie Battiste, an Indigenous professor of education, TEK is a dynamic form of knowledge that incorporates new learning. The part of it that is "traditional" is a means of transmission. TEK is often used in environmental assessment processes, and its inclusion is increasingly become a requirement for the approval of new resource development projects. Despite this growing desire to include Indigenous knowledge in resource management and environmental decision-making, it is proving extremely difficult to accomplish this, as the process involves trying to fit TEK into existing western models of scientific study and management. Many communities across Canada have undertaken their own traditional land use and traditional knowledge studies to document current and historic land use in their territories. These studies involve interviewing hunters and gatherers, knowledge keepers, and Elders about where they have traveled, lived, hunted, and held ceremony, both now and in the past. Maps are often used, along with audio and video recording, to document important cultural areas for the purpose of conservation from development, but also to teach the younger generations about their culture and history. Much of this work has been prompted by resource development pressure as communities look to assert their rights over lands and resources. Treaty and Aboriginal rights to harvest wildlife and fish, to maintain an independent livelihood, are under threat as a result of extensive development in some regions. Some examples of historic and pending court cases and mega-development projects, including the Alberta Oilsands, will be addressed in later sections of this module. [MUSIC]
